In the chic and slightly vulgar to Akasaka, beautiful cars are common, often black and tinted windows. But I was surprised to have to give way to a superb Rolls-Royce white car which flooded the streets of disco music. It was led by a mature man smiling and eccentric. The doors were decorated with the slogan "Sumairutoo (スマイル 党) party smile. I later learned that it was "Mac Akasaka," the manager and sole party candidate who campaigned on the theme "Let us stop the mouth, smile, and be less stressed." Ideas more dangerous and less useful focused their candidate in power. But rather unfairly, our friendly Mac does not exceed the 1000 votes in a constituency also won by the Democratic Party (民主党). This group has obtained an absolute majority in the country, and for the first time in 53 years, the Liberal Democratic Party (自民党) will be permanently removed from power. Such an event would have caused great popular festivals in Europe. Yet the election night, there was no sign of joy in Japan.
The relative lack of Japanese policy affects thousands of foreign visitors. The latest gossip from the government are certainly not a topic of conversation, and generally, the Japanese little interest in ideology. Neither Marxism nor the ideal of a golden age of conservative Christian political traditions cements in Europe there are recipes. There is some degree both France, left and right, each with their elites and their classes: their rivalry sometimes recalls that between football clubs. This distinction does not exist in Japan. It would be completely incongruous to ask an artist if "left" or "right."
Yet it would be wrong to believe that the Japanese are too respectful of social harmony for political opinions. They even quick to criticize, sometimes cruel. In company or in their neighborhood, the Japanese like to comment and give their opinions, sometimes criticizing bluntly. This also extends to local politics: the first protests of the party in power have often occurred in the 90's when public opposition to questionable projects such as construction of dams on the last great wild river country in Tokushima prefecture (徳 岛), or the construction of a bridge in the French style in the heart of Kyoto (京都). Major corruption scandals, as the Lockheed affair in the 70s, also sometimes temporarily laid evil power, but he always knew, even in the 90s, to renew itself.
If the Liberal Democratic Party has retained power for 53 years, with the exception of a few months in 1993, is primarily because the country has been remarkably ruled until the mid-80s by effective administration working in symbiosis with the political and big business. All was not perfect in Japan from the late 80, but the country was prosperous, more egalitarian and very safe: something to be the envy of the world. The Cold War context was also very practical in Japan, a country that shares maritime borders with China and Russia, which has undergone the regular commando raids North Korean kidnapping of citizens on the shore of the Sea of Japan. The Liberal Democratic party, the guarantor of the American alliance, reassured when opposed adventurous diplomatically. There was also some form of alternation according to the weight of the various factions that gave an obligation of results: a mediocre team would very quickly drop his faction within the party. faction leaders and had the power to dismiss prime ministers. Another factor is longevity of the network "clients" of the parties, especially in rural areas: a member who was bringing its subsidization area was naturally re-elected. It was also a kind of redistribution: the major construction projects gave work to the workers, and farm subsidies improve the lot of less fortunate farmers. The party also extended his reign by his alliance with the Komeito, a Buddhist religious party which has an electorate limited but very loyal.
The system worked quite well until 1991, when a popular Prime Minister, however, Toshiki Kaifu (海 部 俊 树), could not pass a plan Reform may be necessary, because his faction had enough influence within the party. Another opportunity may be missed is the failure of the introduction of primaries in 1978. Before the resentment generated, the party soon returned to amicable arrangements to appoint its officers. The Liberal Democratic Party has also failed to use the popularity of Junichiro Koizumi, prime minister from 2001 to 2006, with a liberal and moderate nationalist. Three prime ministers have followed since so chaotic.
If it took almost 20 years after the crisis began in 1989 that the Liberal party Democrats lost power, but also because the opposition has struggled to organize. Their parties did not necessarily pressure to become responsible when they were condemned to a permanent opposition, leaving free the individual adventures, and the waltz destructive egos. The Democratic Party is thus only formed in 1998 from the merger of smaller opposition parties, and exists in its present form since it was incorporated in 2003, dissidents from the ruling party.
This probably explains why the arrival in power of the Democratic party does not raise the enthusiasm of the crowds, the party has not always a clear ideology, and it has a power structure complex: Yukio Hatoyama (鸠 山 由 纪 夫) will be Prime Minister, Ichiro Ozawa (小 沢 一郎), a former dissident from the other side, is now the real master in the shadow of the party. Its leaders are also largely from the middle of Japanese politics: Yukio Hatoyama is the little son of a prime minister, the son of a minister of foreign affairs, he is also affiliated with her mother to the family of industrialists Ishibashi (石桥), owners of the Bridgestone brand. It is understandable why most Japanese, even if they voted for the opposition, were very skeptical about the program of the Democratic Party. It also promises to many voters, not necessarily explain where the money will come in a highly indebted country: the debt of the state are almost 200% of GDP, more than twice the ratio of French. Another factor is the power of skepticism that will keep senior officials largely responsible for current policies. The new government will need these bureaucrats to govern, because most ministers will lack experience in their field. Succeed in changing the senior public without alienating probably require political finesse.
With all these reservations, the alternation is a great event. If neither of the two major parties imploded, a risk always present, Japan has a mature political system, with two governing parties alternating in power, qu'Ozawa wanted since the early 90s. This is the most effective system in all major democracies, and it will be probably also in Japan.
Many believe that the new government has correctly identified the weaknesses of the country and he promises to strengthen the Japanese social security system: it is very incomplete and requires individuals to many save in cases of hardship, limiting consumption. Besides the tragic human consequences in some cases, this makes the country too sensitive to exports: thus, this year the Japanese economy will contract by more than 6% when France will suffer probably less than 3% of recession. The cost of raising children, only partly supported by the state, is also a barrier to having children. Funding for this new social protection is not at all assured: the promise of savings based on the elimination of wasteful current government seem very random. On some points, the proposed policy is not easy to understand: the new government wants green, but proposes to lower the fuel tax, and abolish the toll highways.
The success of these reforms is not necessary certainty: the history of Japan is due to downturns in the past, and thus slow relative decline, followed by phases of rapid and effective reforms, often after a humiliation National. These changes were never the result of popular uprisings, but have always come from some far-sighted of the elite. Next year, China should overtake Japan to become the second largest economy, it could ECT be that the country needs to decide to modernize.
Japanese Election Results (over 480 seats, an absolute majority to 241 seats)
Majority
Democratic Party of Japan: 308 seats (+ 195)
Social Democratic Party: 7 seats (=)
New Party Citizens: 3 seats (-1)
Opposition:
Liberal Democratic Party: 111 seats (-177)
New Party "Komeito": 21 seats (-10)
independent parties: Communist Party
Japanese: 9 seats (=)
Party everybody: 5 seats
Independents: 8 seats
Majority
Democratic Party of Japan: 308 seats (+ 195)
Social Democratic Party: 7 seats (=)
New Party Citizens: 3 seats (-1)
Opposition:
Liberal Democratic Party: 111 seats (-177)
New Party "Komeito": 21 seats (-10)
independent parties: Communist Party
Japanese: 9 seats (=)
Party everybody: 5 seats
Independents: 8 seats
